“My Dad didn’t say he was a Communist; he more proclaimed it.” John Hartley is talking about his father, Jack. Jack spent much of World War Two working on US ships and on the New York docks. He was awarded a medal for his wartime work – and was then deported from the US for his communist politics.

He found work on the Sydney waterfront. In John’s words, Jack saw his role as warning Australian workers about what was happening in the US, “where the union officials were matching the bosses, Cadillac for Cadillac”.

In contrast to this top-down, “business unionism” approach, Jack Hartley was an advocate for the job delegates’ associations and the job committees. These were set up by the Waterside Workers’ Federation to strengthen union organisation and socialist politics among rank and file workers.

Safety, world peace and support for Aboriginal rights: all these issues were fundamental union business for the Waterside Workers’ Federation. This meant discussion, and action, where it matters most – at the point of production.

Red Flag is proud to present the following extract from Jack Hartley’s speech to the Sydney Job Delegates’ Association in 1961:

Over recent years we found ourselves under very severe attack.

However, with the steady development of job committees, we can see the road ahead much more clearly.

We are engaged in a great tussle.

We are out to build union organisation on the job.

The monopolists are out to destroy it.

In modern times, the Arbitration Court, created in the first place to blunt the workers’ attack against capital, is given new powers by government legislation virtually to take away or at least seriously interfere with the right to strike – in other words to cripple the workers.

Exploitation is increasing in all sections of industry.

In 1949 the average profit of the BHP from each steelworker was £1,058.

In 1959 it was £5,150.

The BHP recently attempted to drag out by the roots trade union organisation on the job.

It is here at the point of production that the money bags really fear us.

Let me deal now, Comrades, with the correct methods of leadership. This concept holds that it is necessary to organise the rank and file because conditions are basically won at the point of production through unity and action. It is at the point of production real power is held. It holds the union leadership should be representative of the most progressive trends within the union both politically and industrially.

This concept encourages the rank and file in union activity so that they can better understand the problems that confront them, so they can become better unionists, so that there can be more friendly relationships between the leaders and the rank and file, the leaders understanding and participating in the struggles of the membership they represent.

This concept is not narrowed to just industrial matters, but demands and encourages the fullest participation in political activity.

It encourages the rank and file to understand politics so they themselves will eventually be able to take their destiny in their own hands and break from the bondage of the capitalist wage system so that they will be able to move forward to the declared aim of the Australian labour movement – socialism.

It sees the union as a sharp weapon in the hands of the working class in the battle that is now raging throughout the world.

Its politics are militant working class politics that struggle against exploitation and oppression in our own country and stand shoulder to shoulder with all oppressed people …

We had some four years’ experience of this form of organisation, but it was not until struggle developed against the reduction of two men from eight to six on pig iron that we really began to understand and value job committees.

Another good example was in the amenities dispute. For years the branch executive and the JDA had been agitating, going on deputations and getting promises from the MSB and the ship owners, but still little improvement in amenities.

It was not until the committees started to act on the job around our demands that we were able to progress with the amenities.

The result means a vast improvement in our working conditions and the employment of an amenity man.

Again it was this type of prolonged activity that brought the gang size dispute to a head and was settled to our advantage.

Job committees have steadily improved our conditions and, most important, have resisted the excessive demands of the employers.

They will play a key role around safety, in seeing that safety precautions are carried out.

Comrades, there is a line of thought that believes that the employment of more union officials will solve more problems. If this were the case, I don’t think that anyone would be opposed to such a move, but, with a little reflection one can see that this is upside down, because its seeks to solve the problem by strengthening the top and weakening the bottom.

Over-much reliance on top officials destroys the creation and the need for the initiative of good job committee organisation. After four years of rich experience of our job committee in action, surely we can agree to no move that could hinder the excellent development of the rank and file movement. To lean more on the top is shying away from the correct working class concept of job leadership.

I take the point of employing more union officials as an example because I think it brings out clearly the two different approaches to leadership, one on the emphasis on more union officials as the solution, the other with the emphasis on the development of organisation and unity of the rank and file.

We must face many attacks and problems, but with good union leadership and the developing consciousness and organisation of the members on the job, it is as sure as the sun will rise tomorrow, we will win.

[With thanks to John Hartley.]